TO: JOHN W. EPPES,
FROM: THOMAS JEFFERSON
Monticello, June 24, 1813.

Page 2...Continued

If treasury bills are emitted on a tax appropriated for their redemption in fifteen years, and (to insure preference
in the first moments of competition) bearing an interest of six per cent., there is no one who would not take them
in preference to the bank-paper now afloat, on a principle of patriotism as well as interest: and they would be
withdrawn from circulation into private hoards to a considerable amount.

Their credit once established, others might be emitted, bottomed also on a tax, but not bearing interest: and if
ever their credit faltered, open public loans, on which these bills alone should be received as specie. These,
operating as a sinking fund, would reduce the quantity in circulation, so as to maintain that in an equilibrium with
specie. It is not easy to estimate the obstacles which, in the beginning, we should encounter in ousting the banks
from their possession of the circulation: but a steady and judicious alternation of emissions and loans, would
reduce them in time. But while this is going on, another measure should be pressed, to recover ultimately our
right to the circulation.

The States should be applied to, to transfer the right of issuing circulating paper to Congress exclusively, _in
perpetuum_, if possible, but during the war at least, with a saving of charter rights. I believe that every State west
and south of Connecticut river, except Delaware, would immediately do it; and the others would follow in time.

Congress would, of course, begin by obliging unchartered banks to wind up their affairs within a short time, and
the others as their charters expired, forbidding the subsequent circulation of their paper. This they would supply
with their own, bottomed, every emission, on an adequate tax, and bearing or not bearing interest, as the state
of the public pulse should indicate. Even in the non-complying States, these bills would make their way, and
supplant the unfunded paper of their banks, by their solidity, by the universality of their currency, and by their
receivability for customs and taxes.

It would be in their power, too, to curtail those banks to the amount of their actual specie, by gathering up their
paper, and running it constantly on them. The national paper might thus take place even in the non-complying
States. In this way, I am not without a hope, that this great, this sole resource for loans in an agricultural country,
might yet be recovered for the use of the nation during war: and, if obtained in perpetuum, it would always be
sufficient to carry us through any war; provided, that, in the interval between war and war, all the outstanding
paper should be called in, coin be permitted to flow in again, and to hold the field of circulation until another war
should require its yielding place again to the national medium.

But it will be asked, are we to have no banks? Are merchants and others to be deprived of the resource of short
accommodations, found so convenient? I answer, let us have banks: but let them be such as are alone to be
found in any country on earth, except Great Britain. There is not a bank of discount on the continent of Europe
(at least there was not one when I was there), which offers any thing but cash in exchange for discounted bills.
No one has a natural right to the trade of a money-lender, but he who has the money to lend.

Let those then among us, who have a monied capital, and who prefer employing it in loans rather than
otherwise, set up banks, and give cash or national bills for the notes they discount. Perhaps, to encourage them,
a larger interest than is legal in the other cases might be allowed them, on the condition of their lending for short
periods only. It is from Great Britain we copy the idea of giving paper in exchange for discounted bills: and while
we have derived from that country some good principles of government and legislation, we unfortunately run into
the most servile imitation of all her practices, ruinous as they prove to her, and with the gulph yawning before us
into which those very practices are precipitating her.

The unlimited emission of bank-paper has banished all her specie, and is now, by a depreciation acknowledged
by her own statesmen, carrying her rapidly to bankruptcy, as it did France, as it did us, and will do us again, and
every country permitting paper to be circulated, other than that by public authority, rigorously limited to the just
measure for circulation.

Private fortunes, in the present state of our circulation, are at the mercy of those self-created money-lenders,
and are prostrated by the floods of nominal money with which their avarice deluges us. He who lent his money to
the public or to an individual, before the institution of the United States bank, twenty years ago, when wheat was
well sold at a dollar the bushel, and receives now his nominal sum when it sells at two dollars, is cheated of half
his fortune: and by whom? By the banks, which, since that, have thrown into circulation ten dollars of their
nominal money where there was one at that time.

Reflect, if you please, on these ideas, and use them or not as they appear to merit. They comfort me in the
belief, that they point out a resource ample enough, without overwhelming war-taxes, for the expense of the war,
and possibly still recoverable; and that they hold up to all future time a resource within ourselves, ever at the
command of government, and competent to any wars into which we may be forced. Nor is it a slight object to
equalize taxes through peace and war.

Ever affectionately yours.

Th: Jefferson.

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