| It is impossible to rightly govern a nation without God and the Bible. ~George Washington |
FROM: THOMAS JEFFERSON
TO: ALBERT GALLATIN.
Monticello, June 16, 1817.
Dear Sir,
The importance that the enclosed letters should safely reach their destination, impels me to
avail myself of the protection of your cover. This is an inconvenience to which your situation
exposes you, while it adds to the opportunities of exercising yourself in works of charity.
According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little before your departure, we have had almost
an entire change in the body of Congress. The unpopularity of the compensation law was
completed, by the manner of repealing it as to all the world except themselves. In some
States, it is said, every member is changed; in all, many. What opposition there was to the
original law, was chiefly from southern members. Yet many of those have been left out,
because they received the advanced wages. I have never known so unanimous a sentiment
of disapprobation; and what is remarkable, is, that it was spontaneous. The newspapers were
almost entirely silent, and the people not only unled by their leaders, but in opposition to
them. I confess I was highly pleased with this proof of the innate good sense, the vigilance,
and the determination of the people to act for themselves.
Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of note: a navigation act, particularly,
applicable to those nations only who have navigation acts; pinching one of them especially,
not only in the general way, but in the intercourse with her foreign possessions. This part may
re-act on us, and it remains for trial which may bear longest. A law respecting our conduct as
a neutral between Spain and her contending colonies, was passed by a majority of one only, I
believe, and against the very general sentiment of our country. It is thought to strain our
complaisance to Spain beyond her right or merit, and almost against the right of the other
party, and certainly against the claims they have to our good wishes and neighborly relations.
That we should wish to see the people of other countries free, is as natural, and at least as
justifiable, as that one King should wish to see the Kings of other countries maintained in their
despotism. Right to both parties, innocent favor to the juster cause, is our proper sentiment.
You will have learned that an act for internal improvement, after passing both houses, was
negatived by the President. The act was founded, avowedly, on the principle that the phrase
in the constitution, which authorizes Congress 'to lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide for
the general welfare,' was an extension of the powers specifically enumerated to whatever
would promote the general welfare; and this, you know, was the federal doctrine. Whereas,
our tenet ever was, and, indeed, it is almost the only land-mark which now divides the
federalists* from the republicans, that Congress had not unlimited powers to provide for the
general welfare, but were restrained to those specifically enumerated; and that, as it was
never meant they should provide for that welfare but by the exercise of the enumerated
powers, so it could not have been meant they should raise money for purposes which the
enumeration did not place under their action: consequently, that the specification of powers is
a limitation of the purposes for which they may raise money.
I think the passage and rejection of this bill a fortunate incident. Every State will certainly
concede the power; and this will be a national confirmation of the grounds of appeal to them,
and will settle for ever the meaning of this phrase, which, by a mere grammatical quibble, has
countenanced the General Government in a claim of universal power. For in the phrase, 'to
lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide for the general welfare,' it is a mere question of
syntax, whether the two last infinitives are governed by the first, or are distinct and co-
ordinate powers; a question unequivocally decided by the exact definition of powers
immediately following. It is fortunate for another reason, as the States, in conceding the
power, will modify it, either by requiring the federal ratio of expense in each State, or
otherwise, so as to secure us against its partial exercise.
Without this caution, intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of votes might become as habitual in
Congress, as they are in those legislatures which have the appointment of officers, and
which, with us, is called 'logging,' the term of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in rolling
together the logs of their newly cleared grounds.
Three of our papers have presented us the copy of an act of the legislature of New York,
which, if it has really passed, will carry us back to the times of the darkest bigotry and
barbarism to find a parallel. Its purport is, that all those who shall hereafter join in communion
with the religious sect of Shaking Quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriages
dissolved, and all their children and property taken out of their hands.
This act being published nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any history of
the circumstances of its passage, I am not without a hope it may have been a mere abortive
attempt. It contrasts singularly with a cotemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legislature, who,
on a proposition to make the belief in a God a necessary qualification for office, rejected it by
a great majority, although assuredly there was not a single atheist in their body. And you
remember to have heard, that, when the act for religious freedom was before the Virginia
Assembly, a motion to insert the name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, 'the author of our
holy religion,' which stood in the bill, was rejected, although that was the creed of a great
majority of them.
I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now produces scarcely any agitation.
On Mr. Madison's election there was little, on Monroe's all but none. In Mr. Adams's time and
mine, parties were so nearly balanced as to make the struggle fearful for our peace. But since
the decided ascendancy of the republican body, federalism has looked on with silent but
unresisting anguish. In the middle, southern, and western States, it is as low as it ever can be;
for nature has made some men monarchists and tories by their constitution, and some, of
course, there always will be. (emphasis added)
*****
We have had a remarkably cold winter. At Hallowell, in Maine, the mercury was at thirty-four
degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit, which is sixteen degrees lower than it was in Paris in 1788-
9. Here it was at six degrees above zero, which is our greatest degree of cold.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gallatin, and be assured of my constant
and affectionate friendship.
Th: Jefferson.
NOTE: The words, “Federalist and federalism” mentioned in Jefferson’s letter refers to the
Political Party founded by Alexander Hamilton and John Adams. Its ideological counterpart
today is the Democrat Party. Its central theme was that of unlimited power for the federal
government based on the general phrase “provide for the general welfare” found in Article I,
Section 8 of the Constitution.
TO: ALBERT GALLATIN.
Monticello, June 16, 1817.
Dear Sir,
The importance that the enclosed letters should safely reach their destination, impels me to
avail myself of the protection of your cover. This is an inconvenience to which your situation
exposes you, while it adds to the opportunities of exercising yourself in works of charity.
According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little before your departure, we have had almost
an entire change in the body of Congress. The unpopularity of the compensation law was
completed, by the manner of repealing it as to all the world except themselves. In some
States, it is said, every member is changed; in all, many. What opposition there was to the
original law, was chiefly from southern members. Yet many of those have been left out,
because they received the advanced wages. I have never known so unanimous a sentiment
of disapprobation; and what is remarkable, is, that it was spontaneous. The newspapers were
almost entirely silent, and the people not only unled by their leaders, but in opposition to
them. I confess I was highly pleased with this proof of the innate good sense, the vigilance,
and the determination of the people to act for themselves.
Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of note: a navigation act, particularly,
applicable to those nations only who have navigation acts; pinching one of them especially,
not only in the general way, but in the intercourse with her foreign possessions. This part may
re-act on us, and it remains for trial which may bear longest. A law respecting our conduct as
a neutral between Spain and her contending colonies, was passed by a majority of one only, I
believe, and against the very general sentiment of our country. It is thought to strain our
complaisance to Spain beyond her right or merit, and almost against the right of the other
party, and certainly against the claims they have to our good wishes and neighborly relations.
That we should wish to see the people of other countries free, is as natural, and at least as
justifiable, as that one King should wish to see the Kings of other countries maintained in their
despotism. Right to both parties, innocent favor to the juster cause, is our proper sentiment.
You will have learned that an act for internal improvement, after passing both houses, was
negatived by the President. The act was founded, avowedly, on the principle that the phrase
in the constitution, which authorizes Congress 'to lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide for
the general welfare,' was an extension of the powers specifically enumerated to whatever
would promote the general welfare; and this, you know, was the federal doctrine. Whereas,
our tenet ever was, and, indeed, it is almost the only land-mark which now divides the
federalists* from the republicans, that Congress had not unlimited powers to provide for the
general welfare, but were restrained to those specifically enumerated; and that, as it was
never meant they should provide for that welfare but by the exercise of the enumerated
powers, so it could not have been meant they should raise money for purposes which the
enumeration did not place under their action: consequently, that the specification of powers is
a limitation of the purposes for which they may raise money.
I think the passage and rejection of this bill a fortunate incident. Every State will certainly
concede the power; and this will be a national confirmation of the grounds of appeal to them,
and will settle for ever the meaning of this phrase, which, by a mere grammatical quibble, has
countenanced the General Government in a claim of universal power. For in the phrase, 'to
lay taxes, to pay the debts and provide for the general welfare,' it is a mere question of
syntax, whether the two last infinitives are governed by the first, or are distinct and co-
ordinate powers; a question unequivocally decided by the exact definition of powers
immediately following. It is fortunate for another reason, as the States, in conceding the
power, will modify it, either by requiring the federal ratio of expense in each State, or
otherwise, so as to secure us against its partial exercise.
Without this caution, intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of votes might become as habitual in
Congress, as they are in those legislatures which have the appointment of officers, and
which, with us, is called 'logging,' the term of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in rolling
together the logs of their newly cleared grounds.
Three of our papers have presented us the copy of an act of the legislature of New York,
which, if it has really passed, will carry us back to the times of the darkest bigotry and
barbarism to find a parallel. Its purport is, that all those who shall hereafter join in communion
with the religious sect of Shaking Quakers, shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriages
dissolved, and all their children and property taken out of their hands.
This act being published nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any history of
the circumstances of its passage, I am not without a hope it may have been a mere abortive
attempt. It contrasts singularly with a cotemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legislature, who,
on a proposition to make the belief in a God a necessary qualification for office, rejected it by
a great majority, although assuredly there was not a single atheist in their body. And you
remember to have heard, that, when the act for religious freedom was before the Virginia
Assembly, a motion to insert the name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, 'the author of our
holy religion,' which stood in the bill, was rejected, although that was the creed of a great
majority of them.
I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now produces scarcely any agitation.
On Mr. Madison's election there was little, on Monroe's all but none. In Mr. Adams's time and
mine, parties were so nearly balanced as to make the struggle fearful for our peace. But since
the decided ascendancy of the republican body, federalism has looked on with silent but
unresisting anguish. In the middle, southern, and western States, it is as low as it ever can be;
for nature has made some men monarchists and tories by their constitution, and some, of
course, there always will be. (emphasis added)
*****
We have had a remarkably cold winter. At Hallowell, in Maine, the mercury was at thirty-four
degrees below zero, of Fahrenheit, which is sixteen degrees lower than it was in Paris in 1788-
9. Here it was at six degrees above zero, which is our greatest degree of cold.
Present me respectfully to Mrs. Gallatin, and be assured of my constant
and affectionate friendship.
Th: Jefferson.
NOTE: The words, “Federalist and federalism” mentioned in Jefferson’s letter refers to the
Political Party founded by Alexander Hamilton and John Adams. Its ideological counterpart
today is the Democrat Party. Its central theme was that of unlimited power for the federal
government based on the general phrase “provide for the general welfare” found in Article I,
Section 8 of the Constitution.
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